Why local democracy must not flag

Good morning. I’m Simon Greaves, the FT’s film and video revise editor, standing in for Stephen before he returns from holiday on Monday.

A recent YouGov poll showed Reform UK on 27 per cent, Labour and the Conservatives level-pegging on 17 per cent, with the Greens (16 per cent) and Liberal Democrats (15 per cent) tied in the margin of error. In last week’s Inside Politics Stephen suggested this is likely to become the new reality in Westminster, but I’m more concerned with the other end of the political kaleidoscope — grassroots politics and the interface between local authorities and local media.

Campaigners for local democracy heaved a collective sigh of relief last month when one Reform-run council ended its ban on journalists from the region’s biggest local newspaper.

Reporters at the Nottingham Post and its website, Nottinghamshire Live, will now again be invited to public council events and be added to the council’s PR list, after the news organisation threatened legal action for impeding freedom of expression.

Voting swings and roundabouts

The importance of a healthy, if nearly symbiotic, relationship between authority and the media was drummed into me during my time at big regional daily newspapers in Nottingham and Oxford. When running well, the local links resulted in community cohesion and progress, with most local issues being settled in council headquarters or councillors’ constituency surgeries.

Breaking that bond puts both parties on dangerous ground even though the latest victory was more a case of restoring the status quo after Nottinghamshire County Council, which has been led by Reform since this year’s local elections, stated it was “committed to the principles of openness”. The month-long ban — which prompted the Nottingham Post, owned by Reach, to send a legal letter — had stirred much opposition and been condemned by Keir Starmer as “cowardly” as well as by local MPs.

The ban had been imposed by the council’s leader, Mick Barton, after he objected to an article about splits in his Reform group over local government reorganisation plans. Barton claimed that the Post was “consistently misrepresenting our policies, actions or intentions”.

A letter from the county council’s team manager for litigation, Geoff Russell, to lawyers representing Reach, said the restrictions stemmed from a “miscommunication or misunderstanding”.

A resurgent Reform challenging the status quo across local authorities nationwide has also drawn attention to the style of its leadership in other councils — notably in Kent and the Medway towns — which has ruffled feathers, especially where there used to be long-term party dominance or a two-party seesawing for control.

Newly controlled Reform-led councils are being closely watched as “test cases” for the party’s ability to govern, amid reports of challenges, including internal disputes, resignations and implementation of cost-cutting in the face of real-terms cuts in spending power.

There is a broader context of national crisis in local government finance and governance, with many councils struggling financially due to long-term funding cuts, rising demand for services such as social care, and, in some cases, poor investment decisions. For example, a leaked video from Kent County Council last month showed internal conflict and poor leadership dynamics, which the party defended as “robust argument”. The leaders’ plans involve a focus on efficiency, cutting “woke” agendas, and rolling back net zero policies. But Reform-run Kent, where the party sought to pilot drastic cost-cutting plans, is probably going to have to raise council tax.

Services were already “down to the bare bones”, said Reform’s cabinet member for adult social care, Diane Morton. “We’ve got more demand than ever before and it’s growing,” Morton told the FT.

Morton said she believed the local authority would raise council tax by 5 per cent — the maximum permitted — as councils try to honour their legal duty to make sure spending adds up before budgets are set for next year.

The overall health of UK councils is on a knife-edge with many, including Birmingham, Woking and Croydon, facing huge funding gaps and declaring a form of bankruptcy. Local government reorganisation plans aim, by 2028, to streamline the two-tier system into single-tier unitary authorities to cut bureaucracy and costs, and to grant more powers and funding to regional combined authorities with directly elected mayors..

But despite their sensible settlement, Nottinghamshire’s Reform leaders have wasted little time in provoking another controversy. Pubs, hospitals and a restaurant are included in 82 locations where the county council will soon be putting up 164 Union flags. 

The party confirmed on October 22 that it was spending £75,000 on replacing more than 150 brackets holding banners on to lampposts. The brackets will initially be holding the Union Jack in what Reform says is a bid to “strengthen community spirit”.

Union Jacks will be appearing outside King’s Mill Hospital, Bassetlaw Hospital and on the road outside a McDonald’s in Sutton-in-Ashfield. Reform has pointed out that the brackets will also hold banners to promote council services like fostering and to mark other calendar events such as Christmas and Armistice Day.

Reform’s move follows a heated summer debate over flag-flying across the country after “Operation Raise the Colours” was launched in August, calling for the prominent display of the Union Jack and English flag of St George. The campaign resulted in the controversial display of both flags in prominent locations, including on many railway and motorway bridges.

Reform-led councils have supported the flag-waving nationwide and outrage ensued after council workers in London’s Tower Hamlets were pictured taking some British flags down. Other councils have given mixed responses to the flag-raising, with Labour-led Derby City Council asking locals not to paint on roundabouts and zebra crossings red and white.

In an attempt to persuade voters that the Labour government understands the wave of patriotism sweeping the country, home secretary Yvette Cooper has gone even further: “I confess I have not just the Saint George’s flag, I have St George’s bunting. I have also Union Jack bunting, which is currently still hanging up on my garden shed.”

Many flags, like those I saw in the south-west London multicultural suburb of Morden, are attached prominently and well out of reach, to high street lampposts.

Nottinghamshire County Council, meanwhile, has listed 82 locations where the Union Jack will appear on either side of key roads. Reform parliamentary constituency Ashfield, once a Labour stronghold and mining area, will get the second highest number, while Labour-led Gedling will get just six flags across the borough.

But the political landscape has been overturned this year. Nottinghamshire, including the city of Nottingham, is currently represented by 11 MPs; nine for Labour, one Conservative and one Reform. But following this year’s county council elections, it is firmly controlled by Reform. The party went from having a single councillor to winning a majority of seats. The council comprises 41 Reform UK councillors, 18 Conservatives, four Labour and three from local parties. It had been fully or partially controlled by the Conservative party since 2017, while having historically been under Labour control with a majority from 1981 to 2009.

Nottingham itself is no stranger to political controversy down the years, being the scene of industrial disputes and strikes, riots over race, bread shortages and parliamentary representation and boundary changes.

But the county and its burghers are now hoping for a calmer period of local relations and reflection while keeping the flags of democratic freedom flying.

Now try this

The FT choir, of which I am secretary, started carol service rehearsals this week. As a warm-up, I plan to go and see the seasonal feelgood film The Choral. I like a line from the trailer: “There are atheists now. I hear there’s one in Bradford.” But don’t underestimate the transformative power of collective singing — in the pews or on the terraces.

At the golden and glittering St Cyprian’s Church in London I went to watch a colleague’s partner, pianist David Brain, play some wonderfully cryptic Ravel. For a few moments of wistful reflection and tranquility you can’t beat his Pavane pour une Infante Defunte played here by the master himself.

Have a lovely weekend.

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